The Sydney Morning Herald - Jose Antonio Belo -
Sadly, I have bad news to report from East Timor. It is not yet clear
how long my colleagues and I will be able to freely report the news.
But readers should know, things are not what they seem in the glowing
press releases from Government Palace in Dili. The government, through
its members in the national Parliament, is taking steps to limit basic
freedoms held by Timorese citizens.
East Timor is now a vibrant and peaceful young democracy, but
a few weeks ago it took a significant step backwards towards the days
of the Suharto regime, when Indonesia occupied East Timor for 24 years
between 1975 and 1999.
On May 6, the national parliament of East Timor passed a law
to regulate the media and freedom of expression in East Timor. The law
has yet to be promulgated by the President of the Republic, Taur Matan
Ruak, although it was sent to him to pass this week.
The law is not only undemocratic but is also in violation of
the constitution. The constitution gives rights to the media and
citizens for freedom of expression in articles 40 and 41, but the new
law seeks to limit, restrict and in some cases terminate those rights.
East Timor is in danger of becoming a guided democracy: one in which the
democracy responds not to citizens’ interests, but to those of the
political and moneyed elite.
In East Timor that elite is feeding happily on the more than
$US15.7 billion ($16.8 billion) in the nation’s Petroleum Fund. This is
something they are seeking to secure in the long term.
The elites are creating measures to silence dissent and
public debate about government programs and public spending. One way in
which they are doing so is through this new media law.
Some of the most serious concerns citizens and media actors
have about the new law include its measures to define media broadly so
as to include citizen media. That means anyone who collects and
disseminates information, such as bloggers, NGOs, institutions, book
authors and even Facebook and Twitter users.
The government and its lawmakers designed the new media law
so that a media council of five people has the power to approve and
certify journalists.
The council’s independence is dubious and may be influenced
by the elite to serve their interests. The law also bans student and
freelance journalists unless they have been certified by the proposed,
and politicised, media council. This council will be selected by
Parliament and media representatives, but paid for by government.
Alarmingly, especially given the role of international and
Australian media in East Timor’s struggle for independence, foreign
journalists will be barred or require government permission to report
from East Timor. This will effectively clamp down on any foreign media
except those doing good news stories.
Perhaps foreign journalists will have to smuggle themselves
in and out as tourists again? This is reminiscent of the work that I did
in the 1990s when helping foreign correspondents report on our struggle
against the Indonesian military dictatorship.
The law also bans political, business and state employees
from acting as media or journalists. The media council can find that
citizens have contravened the law and they would then face harsh
penalties. In essence this copies the defamation law which was
intentionally removed from the new penal code.
I was investigated in 2009 under that defamation law for
reporting on the corruption practised by the then minister of justice
Lucia Lobato. She is now serving a multiyear sentence in prison. Perhaps
if this law was in place then, it would be me in prison now instead of
the ex-minister.
So the elites of East Timor are concerned that free speech
will limit their ability to control and abuse the Petroleum Fund for
their own benefit. Anti-corruption programs have had little effect. Some
offenders have been made an example of, but this is mostly window
dressing. The vast majority remain unhindered in their pocket-lining.
Despite popular promises to limit or terminate 100 per cent lifelong
pensions to all members of government and Parliament, nothing has
happened.
This is just the tip of the iceberg. Even the supposedly
clean Minister of Finance, Emilia Pires, is under investigation for
awarding contracts to her husband. But people in Dili believe this will
come to nothing. Countless other members of government as well as
members of Parliament, past and present, are under similar scrutiny.
This scrutiny is due to media activity, and it is for this reason that
media and citizens are about to be muzzled.
Furthermore, the political alliance between the government
and the opposition, designed to protect elite interests in the name of
national stability, suggest that the elites are consolidating their
position in order to divide the spoils of independence. Citizens will
just have to be silent, or be made to be silent, if they disagree.
Clearly, there is a conceptual divide between the citizens and the
elites.
The elites think they own the country, whereas the citizens
do, at least in a real democracy instead of a guided democracy. If the
law is promulgated, we will be significantly less free than we have been
since 1999. Should this happen, there will be a significant resistance
against the law, even if it means some of us have to go to prison in
defence of our rights.
Jose Antonio Belo is an East Timorese journalist.
Related: "La'o Hamutuk: Timor-Leste President TMR Urged to Veto Restrictive Media Law"
.Related: "La'o Hamutuk: Timor-Leste President TMR Urged to Veto Restrictive Media Law"
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